- NEWSDAY.CO.TT - A la Une - 13/Jul 06:07

Tobago’s challenges at the start of the 19th century

DR RITA PEMBERTON The start of the 19th century witnessed a continuation of the challenge to the British administration of Tobago by the determined French for possession of the island. French forces invaded and occupied Tobago in 1802 but were swiftly expelled one year later when it was reclaimed by British forces. However, in addition to the continuation of the old wounds and the disruption caused by the renewed French take over, the new century also brought additional challenges to the island. The year 1803 was a period of readjustment to disruptions inflicted on the island’s economic activity by the French which quickened the pace of change in the realm of estate ownership and a host of related economic problems. Until the island was formally declared a British possession at the treaty table in 1815, there were lingering doubts and fears on the island and by the absentee owners, who lost faith in the investment potential of the island and sought to get rid of their onerous estates. This led to an increasing a pattern of estates changing hands which became evident after the 1781-1793 French occupation. From 1803, the administration of Tobago was consumed with four major issues. Firstly, they were wary of plotters who would continue to try to take over the island and became very suspicious of the motives of individuals who came to visit the island. On November 21, 1811 they passed a law which was an attempt to regulate the conduct of people who came to the island. Magistrates were empowered to examine people suspected of improper motives who were to be considered persona non grata on the island. It was mandatory for all visitors to Tobago to declare the purpose of their visit and those who refused to comply would be apprehended. The captains of all ships which brought passengers to the island were required to report all suspects to the authorities, namely the captains general or the commander in chief. Such persons would be interrogated by the magistrates who, if finding convincing evidence, could commit them to jail. This activity, which elicited the support of all civil and military persons and members of the free coloured population, stemmed from a need to be on the alert regarding possible French attacks on the island but also from developments which occurred in the Caribbean neighbourhood where there were reports of increasing resistance efforts by the enslaved population. Secondly, while Tobago was engrossed with the French occupation and its aftermath, developments in England, which had far reaching consequences for the colonies, had been occurring, The movement to end the trade in captive Africans, which was considered an attack on Caribbean plantation owners and their financiers, was in full force and with the revelations of Thomas Clarkson, gained wide public support. For Tobago, the first result was the Limitations Act of 1806, which restricted the numbers of captive Africans who could be brought to the island and prohibited British slave traders from operating in countries which were under foreign control. The incensed Tobago Assembly, citing the events of 1781 and 1802, asked for special consideration for the island’s peculiar circumstances to no avail, which soured the relationship between the administrators of Tobago and the imperial government. In 1807 The British trade in captive Africans which was terminated by law in 1807 to take effect in 1808, sharpened the rift between imperial and colonial administrations. Across the region there was increased African resistance efforts which were blamed on the religious bodies, causing tensions between the planting elite and the religious bodies and open conflict in some territories. The planting community recognised that Tobago had to strengthen its defences against both internal and external challenges. [caption id="attachment_1164809" align="aligncenter" width="255"] Dr Rita Pemberton -[/caption] Thirdly, in order to shore up their defences against a possible internal eruption, it was considered most desirous to increase the white presence on the island which was an aim of the administration from the start of British occupation. In 1811, concerns of security and prosperity provided the motive to increase the island’s resident white population. The act stated that every estate must maintain one white male between the ages of 15 to70 for every 50 slaves owned or rented and if such slaves exceeded 200 the services of one able white man was required for every 100 slaves. The punishment for deviants was a fine of £25 for every such deficiency each year and in cases where the numbers were falsified, the fine was 10 shillings for each slave. This tax was to be computed from 10 days after the publication of the act and on the same day and month each year. To further stimulate an increase of the white population, the law provided that the employer of white servants above the stipulated black/white ratio on any sugar, cotton or indigo estate, from September 1, 1808, was entitled to receive from the public funds for each white man a bounty of £50 pounds each year they remained in such employ. A bounty will also be paid for every white woman who was the wife of a proprietor manager or estate employee and any relatives above the age of 15 years and any white servant of any denomination who was of good character, whether imported or coming of free volition to be indentured to serve. Exceptions would be made where ill health occurred which was sworn by the surgeon before the magistrate. Fourthly, the free coloured population was seen as a potential ally of the whites and its exemplary good conduct in support of a deficient white population in times of past need, was recognised as deserving encouragement to provide support to a deficient white population in the present crisis. When a free coloured person between the ages of 15 and 70 purchased or rented a plantation and they served in the militia, the fine for such free coloured men and for not having the stipulated white/black ratio would be removed and the treasurer was required to give an annual account of the number of white men or women in his employ from September 1 of the present year to September 1, with their names and surnames and answer all such questions posed to them by the magistrate and /or constable concerning the qualifications of such white persons and to receive an account of sick slaves. If any justice of the peace fails to fulfil any part of his duty, he is required to pay £100 to the treasury and if any false accounts are provided by the owner/ tenant and anyone is found guilty of perjury, a warrant for levy on the lands and slaves of defaulters would be issued and all chattel seized shall be sold within 14 days of the levy. Slaves and tenements would be sold by public auction in Scarborough for gold and silver money. If the owner is not in the island charges are to be laid on the legal representatives. The problems which were faced by the administrators of Tobago were interrelated, all being hinged on security issues and economic realities. The island’s economic problems could not be resolved by issuing and implementing laws and the economic state was both a contributor to and cause of the small size of its white population which could not be corrected in the short term. The coloured population was seen as a last resort plan for support in the event of either internal or external aggression, but the group was itself divided and it was the wealthier ones who were targeted, and their numbers were not sufficient to constitute an effective defence force. The overwhelming factor was the decisions made by the imperial government which reflected imperial and not local concerns. The outlook did not auger well for the island during the rest of the 19th century.   The post Tobago’s challenges at the start of the 19th century appeared first on Trinidad and Tobago Newsday.