Maroc - NEWSDAY.CO.TT - A la Une - 27/Sep 03:17

In the crossfire

TREVOR SUDAMA THE ONGOING tension between the US government, which has deployed armed naval assets in the seas near to the TT maritime borders in pursuit of illegal drug traffickers, and the Venezuelan regime, which has mobilised its citizens on a war footing, places TT in a very difficult and unenviable predicament in having to treat with the concerns and claims of both these countries. In this context and to protect our national interest and sovereignty in the short, medium and long term, the TT government's current stance and broader foreign policy should, in my view, be founded on realism, caution, discretion and reasoned judgement instead of emotion, impulse and superficial assessment. The position should be pursued through careful and resilient diplomacy, rational discourse and strategic, constructive dialogue and intervention. If, God forbid, the situation develops into open confrontation between the military forces of the US and Venezuela, TT could suffer immense collateral damage, especially if the government approves the installation of a US base on TT soil. It was a premature promise by Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar based on speculation which carries with it inherent risks to the safety and security of TT citizens. As a small nation of 1.4 million people with minuscule military resources, being in uncomfortably close proximity to Venezuela and sharing a maritime border, it is imperative, despite perceived threats and aggressive rhetoric from some of the office holders in the Venezuelan regime, to maintain our composure and continue a working relationship with that country, even if we eschew the possibility of overtures to access its oil and gas resources for our use. Nor does it help for a delusional member of the government to threaten Venezuela with nuclear weapons in the possession of the government of India to attack Venezuela and protect TT. It is generally acknowledged that the Nicolás Maduro-led government is illegitimate, having lost the last national elections and by manipulating the results to remain in power. It is also true that it has a territorial expansionist agenda and it brutally suppresses internal dissent and operates in a dictatorial fashion. For years it has mismanaged the country’s economy through inefficiencies, wasteful expenditure, corruption and cronyism. It has created hardship and poverty for millions of its citizens, many of whom have sought refuge in other countries. It is, nevertheless, the reality that the Maduro regime is in power and likely to remain as such for the foreseeable future, long after the US drug-busting armada has left our waters. Regime change, we are told, is not the objective of the US naval presence. Thus, in the years to come, our fishermen, boat traders, migrants and others will have to treat with the Guardia Nacional and other Venezuelan authorities on a daily basis and our government will need to continue to retain a working relationship with Venezuela. On the other hand, the US remains our long-standing and most important partner for trade and investment. We cannot afford to invoke the displeasure of the government of that country and it is prudent to align with it and support its agenda to legitimately suppress and curtail drug-trafficking operations in the south Caribbean seas. It may be a fine line to draw but we should be wary of approving the manner in which these operations are carried out with impunity and summary, violent killing of suspected traffickers without any attempt to interdict and capture them. To condone such action by the US authorities is to give licence to military law enforcement personnel to be police, judge, jury and executioner. It defies a basic principle of democratic societies in terms of interdiction and due process. The rules of engagement require that deadly violent action against suspects should only be pursued if there is the real prospect of or actual violent retaliation against officers. Otherwise, suspects should be apprehended and put through the judicial process. Even in war, captured soldiers are not summarily executed but taken as prisoners of war. In this regard, Persad-Bissessar’s exuberant endorsement of the violent extra-judicial killings of drug trafficking suspects (“attack then violently,” “blow them to pieces”) places this country at variance with other Caricom countries. For example, the foreign minister of Barbados has commented, “This...is a matter that ought to be treated to in the context of preserving the rule of law. I believe that most people in this region would agree that we would much prefer to see suspected criminals being identified and interdicted. Folks who are suspected are usually arrested, tried and, if convicted, then they are sentenced. It is a dangerous and very slippery slope for all of us, if we choose to follow a path where we arbitrarily determine that circumstances point to guilt and therefore an assassination should take place.” A final word on the war on illegal drug trafficking. Once there is a high or significant demand for illegal drugs by citizens of a country and once the anticipated profits for supplying them are lucrative, there will always be organised groups and adventurous individuals willing to take the risks and reap the expected rewards. Thus, the war on illegal drugs will be a permanent feature of law enforcement in many countries and to which there is hardly likely to be a finality. It would seem that to achieve significant results, the problem has to be addressed both from the supply and demand sides. The post In the crossfire appeared first on Trinidad and Tobago Newsday.