Maroc - EURASIAREVIEW.COM - A la une - 16/Sep 22:36

Afghanistan: Critical Review Of Taliban Policy On Third Anniversary Of Girls’ School Closures – OpEd

The situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated significantly under the Taliban's strict control, erasing hard-won progress in education and human rights. Girls' schools are closing, and fundamental freedoms and rights are rapidly disappearing as promises are broken. It has been three years since the closure of girls' schools, and the world watches in shock. Afghan women are particularly hard hit by the oppressive measures, as their dreams of education and a better life fade away, and the broader framework of human rights disintegrates. This regression is not just a local issue—it threatens regional stability and dims the prospects for global peace. The Taliban's extreme beliefs and practices are reinforcing their hold, pushing the country back after years of gradual progress. The impact of this backward step reaches far beyond Afghanistan's borders, affecting lives and diminishing hope for a stable future. The Taliban’s Promises In early 2019, a senior Taliban delegate, flanked by other high-ranking officials, announced at a press conference that under their rule, girls would be permitted to pursue education up to the doctorate level and have the right to work. The Taliban's leadership repeatedly reaffirmed this promise, seeking to convince both Afghans and the international community that they had changed their stance, marking a significant departure from their previous rule in the late 1990s and a continuation of the progress made in the preceding two decades under the Republic in Afghanistan. These initial assurances sparked optimism in some, leading them to believe in a potential transformative shift, with some even arguing that the Taliban could be trusted to keep their commitments, especially given that these promises were made soon after they took power. Taliban's Actions As the Taliban marked three years in power, they stepped up systematic discrimination through a series of decrees and rules. This culminated in late August 2024 with the introduction of the Law Promoting Virtue and Eliminating Vice. The law gives the Taliban broad authority to investigate, prosecute, and punish women who fail to comply with strict dress codes, speak out, or limit their interactions in public, including interactions with non-Muslims. It also targets individuals who wear non-Muslim clothing or create or view visual content showing living things. This discriminatory legislation shows the Taliban's growing power, as seen in their dismantling of key institutions like the Afghanistan Independence Human Rights Commission and their abolition of over 10,000 civil society organizations, which demonstrate their tight grip on the country. The revival of the Ministry of Vice and Virtue, along with the broader network of religious councils, reinforces this control. Secondary education has been a significant point of contention. Only 20 days after seizing power, the Taliban issued a decree on September 18, 2021, prohibiting girls from pursuing education beyond primary school, effectively shutting out over 1.4 million girls from formal education. This number continues to increase as primary school cohorts graduate. Furthermore, the Taliban have also restricted primary education for girls by shutting down community-based classes, private informal learning centers, and educational radio broadcasts in some provinces. This has resulted in a staggering economic loss of $5.4 billion due to the ban on girls' education in a country where 85% of people live in poverty, as the Taliban reshaped the education system to fit their ideology. The situation in higher education is equally dire. By December 2022, the Taliban had banned women from attending universities, causing female university enrollment to drop from over 120,000 in 2020 to zero by 2023. Male enrollment has also seen a sharp decline during the same period, from 306,155 to 192,616, a total of 54.8% decrease in higher education enrollment over three years - the largest decline worldwide in such a short period. To strengthen their unfair grip on university teaching, they launched a scheme that would grant around 50,000 of their followers undergraduate and graduate degrees. The first phase, which benefited thousands, is now complete, and the second phase has begun. As a result, their followers, many of whom had never attended school, received degrees and replaced hundreds of qualified and experienced university lecturers. Parallel to these policies, the Taliban have significantly expanded their network of religious schools, known as madrassas, since taking power in Afghanistan. The number of madrassas has increased by nearly 19 times, from around 1,138 in 2020 to 21,257 in 2024. This growth has been accompanied by a tenfold increase in student enrollment, from 317,730 in 2021 to 3,687,200 in 2024. The number of staff at these madrassas is also expected to grow dramatically, from a few thousand to 100,000. Public schools are facing a double blow: not only have Taliban policies reduced the public school budget by 6.7% in 2023, but funds intended for public education appear to be diverted to support the expansion of madrassas. This has further strained an already underfunded and struggling public education system. Responses & Condemnations The Taliban's response to widespread condemnation and protests from the Afghan people has been extremely harsh, aiming to silence opposition with severe penalties. They have shut down over 10,000 civil society organizations, including women-led organizations, many of which had existed for decades and some with centuries-long histories. They have persistently targeted and persecuted human rights defenders, civil society activists and critics of their doctrine, including by detaining women and girls arbitrarily. This crackdown is accompanied by strict media censorship, tight control over information, and the suppression of free speech. Regional countries like China, Russia, Iran, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, and the United Arab Emirates have recently established formal ties with the Taliban and acknowledged their diplomats. However, these diplomatic overtures are often driven by short-term political gains, undermining global efforts to hold the regime accountable for its human rights violations. This engagement has emboldened the Taliban, reinforcing their conviction that they may eventually gain international recognition and legitimacy, thus encouraging their radical policies. The Taliban have also skillfully exploited global conflicts to weaken the stance of nations advocating for human rights in Afghanistan, using this as leverage to diminish international pressure and perpetuate their violations against the Afghan people. The Taliban's Arguments The Taliban, driven by an extremist ideological agenda distinct from mainstream Islamic interpretations, have deeply entrenched views on gender-based educational equity and the broader role of women in society. Their leadership, dominated by ultra-extremists trusted by their supreme leader, wields absolute control over these policies. This faction staunchly opposes women's education and fundamental rights, viewing it as a threat to their authority and political control, supported by correlations they draw between higher education levels in urban areas and diminished support for their regime. However, a more moderate faction within the Taliban, with a deeper understanding of global issues, pushes for a compromise. They suggest letting girls' education continue but under strict Taliban control and transforming schools into semi-madrasas with a revised curriculum that fits their beliefs. They argue that this approach could reduce international criticism while still achieving the Taliban's goals. However, this moderate view faces strong opposition from the regime's hardliners, who have a significant say in most policy decisions. This ideological split highlights the contradictions in the Taliban's policies on women and education, which are complex and often conflicting. Despite their internal debates, both sides ultimately aim to limit free and equal education, revealing a broader strategy to control society's structures. The Taliban's interpretation of Islam, closely tied to their core ideology and political goals, is largely rejected by the broader Muslim community. Many Muslims disagree with their strict views, particularly on women's roles, which remains a contentious issue within the group and hinders their efforts to consolidate power amidst internal and external pressures. Conclusion The Taliban's three-year rule in Afghanistan has dramatically reversed progress in education and human rights, particularly for women. Despite initial promises, girls' schools remain closed, and women face systematic abuse and discrimination. The 2024 Law Promoting Virtue and Eliminating Vice further curtailed women's rights, imposing strict dress codes and limiting public interactions. This has had devastating consequences for education, with female enrollment in higher education dropping to zero and public education suffering from funding cuts and a shift towards religious schools. While some within the Taliban advocate for controlled education for girls, the hardline faction, which holds significant power, opposes any compromise. The international community's mixed response, including diplomatic ties with regional powers, has emboldened the Taliban to continue their oppressive policies, posing a growing threat to global stability. About the authors: Enayat Nasir is a Ph.D. scholar in educational policy and leadership at the State University of New York at Albany (SUNY Albany). He has earned a Master of Science in the same discipline from SUNY Albany and has also undertaken Project Management studies at Cornell University. He is an alumnus of prestigious programs like the Fulbright Program, the Swedish Institute, and the World Innovation Summit for Education. Rahim Jami is a human rights defender. He advocates and leads campaigns to improve girls’ access to quality education in Afghanistan. You can follow him on Twitter.